Volume 30, number 3–4 (2010)
Keynote Address · 2009 CASID Conference
Is ‘Development’ a Panacea? How to Think beyond Obsolete Categories
“It has always been my firm belief that the main role intellectuals can play within society is to ask questions—particularly disturbing ones—and to view any commonly accepted assertion with deep suspicion. ‘Development’ is precisely one of these terms whose meaning seems so obvious as to be above criticism. The consensus around them is so broad that the mere fact of questioning them may lead either to deliberate incomprehension or unanimous condemnation. But I am ready to take the risk, quite knowingly.
“First, I shall briefly give you my definition of ‘development,’ just to make sure that we know what we are talking about, and later, I shall try to show how ‘actually existing development’ is at the root not only of the present (economic and financial) crisis, but also of the many crises (over climate, energy resources, ecology, and food) that are threatening us. In the second part, I shall try to give examples as to why the various measures—mainly pertaining to economics—that are implemented to cope with these problems are unsuited to solving them.”
Response – Development Studies as Part of Political Process
“En tant qu’analyse critique de l’existant, la contribution de M. Rist définit le ‘développement’ tel qu’il est : la ‘transformation (et la destruction) de la nature et des relations sociales en biens et services marchands afin de stimuler la croissance économique’ …
“Là où je voudrais m’arrêter c’est sur cette notion de ‘développement’ tel qu’il est, une notion bien précise de croissance et une notion éminemment idéologique, pour souligner l’importance de savoir comment nous en sommes arrivés là. Ceci me parait central et tout à fait complémentaire à l’apport de M. Rist, pour savoir pourquoi d’autres chemins ne semblent pas possibles, ou ont été clairement écartés, et à quelles conditions ils pourraient devenir envisageables.”
Gouvernance, contestation et développement en Asie du Sud-Est
Introduction
“À partir [d’un] point de départ voulant, qu’au fond, la gouvernance condense et résulte des rapports de forces politiques et socio-économiques à l’intérieur d’un État, il devient fascinant de tenter de saisir les dynamiques contemporaines qui marquent l’Asie du Sud-Est. De là, l’idée de comparer trois États (Laos, Malaisie et Philippines) qui offrent d’intéressants contrastes et paradoxes… Ainsi, la question qui traverse les quatre articles ici présentés est celle de comprendre l’agencement particulier des rapports de pouvoir non seulement au sein de l’État, mais aussi entre ses différents représentants et les forces politiques et sociales à l’extérieur de celui-ci. Comme le démontrent les quatre articles, cet agencement est à la fois relativement stable dans le temps, malgré diverses formes d’opposition parfois secrètes ou discrètes (par exemple : utilisation des nouvelles technologies du Web, petits projets de développement, formations sur les droits), ou parfois bruyantes et ouvertes (entre autres, mobilisation dans la rue, tentative de coup d’État ou encore lutte armée).”
Oligarchie, électoralisme et contestation politique ? Les dérives du néopatrimonialisme et de l’État philippin contemporain
The analysis of the Philippine state provides in-depth perspective in terms of both the typologies used and the breadth of the research conducted over the past 25 years. The establishment of the Marcos dictatorship in 1972 becomes the reference point for this multi-pronged analysis, with each subsequent regime compared to it. This period in Philippine history is often viewed as a quasi-caricatural extension of the political system which was widely entrenched during the American period (1898–1946). In this article, the author explores this wealth of literature from a unique standpoint, and explains the rise of a new form of neopatrimonialism manifested in the current oligarchic democracy of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s presidency, dating from 2001. The striking consistency across various forms of neopatrimonial governance is also analyzed, beginning with the period extending from independence to the Marcos era (1972–1986), and continuing through the more recent and unconventional Joseph Estrada presidency from 1998 to 2001, up to the current regime of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Beyond 50 Years of Political Stability in Malaysia: Rent and the Weapons of the Power Elite
This article seeks to explain Malaysia’s remarkable political stability over more than 50 years. We offer a macro-level analysis of Malaysia’s rentier-based economy and a micro-level analysis of a political-corporate network of elite Malays as key factors. We argue that the Malay elite, by securing access to abundant rent, has designed, mobilized, and strengthened the state’s institutions at its discretion, in a way that provides broad redistribution while strengthening its own role. In contrast to James Scott’s theory on resistance against the elite, we argue that Malaysia’s elite generates collaboration and co-optation; these are the “weapons of the strong.”
Organisation à but non lucratif : timide émergence de la société civile en République démocratique populaire lao
Civil society in Laos is still in its infancy and the space available so far is restricted to the level of associations. This paper examines the emergence and changing nature of this civil society through analysis of the political settings and cultural factors underlying the political opening that currently allows the emergence of civil society organizations. Despite the fact that these organizations must have the sanction of the Party in order to exist, they are one step forward toward plurality and the opening of public space, making this a real leap forward in the development of a genuine civil society in Laos.
Won’t You Be My (Political) Friend? The Changing Face(book) of Socio-Political Contestation in Malaysia
Using Malaysia as a case study, this article explores the potential of Facebook (the social networking website) as a tool for political change within restricted media environments. In countries with little or no freedom of the press, citizens often turn to alternative forms of media to express dissent, connect with like-minded individuals, and organize. Facebook’s integrated privacy controls can help facilitate such connections and may lend themselves to discussion and debate that challenge the status quo, particularly in Malaysia, which has emphasized economics before political rights and civil liberties since the country’s independence.
2009 Kari Polanyi-Levitt Prize
Development through Social Entrepreneurship: Perspectives and Evidence from Bangladesh
Social entrepreneurship has recently emerged as a vital concept for assessing how business ventures are integrated with the social objective of development organizations. Despite its increasing salience, social entrepreneurship has remained largely under-investigated in the context of the developing world. In this paper, I explore the nature and form of social entrepreneurship, focusing on the non-profit sector in Bangladesh and using BRAC (Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee) in particular as a case in point. The non-profit sector in Bangladesh, particularly the NGO initiatives, have transformed the lives of millions of poor and marginalized people, mostly women. Due to factors like the need for sustainability, several NGOs have increasingly engaged themselves in commercial enterprises. The paper underscores the potential trade-offs between organizational growth and pro-poor orientation that may jeopardize the social objectives of NGOs.
Articles
Dissection d’un discours à propos des conflits sociaux : le cas du projet Camelot
In the 1960s, conflict resolution appeared as a topic in American sociology as a temporary and initial phase of development in Latin America. In this paper, we examine the case of Project Camelot (1964–1965) through its relationship with its disciplinary and organizational histories. Additionally, we compare the state of knowledge about foreign contexts within sociology and anthropology. With the current growing use of the Social Sciences in military efforts in the Middle East (i.e., the Minerva Initiative and the Human Terrain System), the study of Camelot offers an opportunity to critically reassess the interaction between scientific knowledge and strategic agendas.
Restructurer efficacement les filières cotonnières en Afrique : les leçons de la déréglementation des réseaux de service en Occident
The theory of networks, carried out within the framework of deregulating large service distribution firms, is applied to analyze the cotton sector in Africa. This paper examines the effectiveness of combining cash crop promotion with the supply of diversified services to producers. The stylized facts about the dynamics of service networks remind us that there cannot be any actual cotton development to reach critical size without state support. Vertical integration must be preserved in restructuring the cotton sectors. Local monopolies that result should nevertheless be regulated, notably to materialize a shared information system as a tool towards improved governance.
Ordres contradictoires et coordination destructive : le malaise iranien
Three main typical or ideal modes of social organization have been identified in the literature, namely the market, the redistribution, and the reciprocity (Polanyi 1944, 1968; Lindblom 1977; and Kornai, 1984, 1992). Our purpose is to introduce another type of social organization that we name the “destructive mode of coordination.” It is social organisation by coercive means. This type of organization has almost entirely been neglected in the literature, although it has existed since ancient times in different forms and varieties. A typical recent illustration is the social order under the Islamic Republic of Iran, which will be the focus of the paper.
The Impacts of Farmer Cooperatives on the Well-Being of Cocoa Producing Villages in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana
World cocoa prices fell by 48% from 2002 to 2005, with direct impacts on the incomes, health, and nutrition of cocoa producers. This study investigates whether cocoa cooperatives can improve the productivity, incomes, and well-being of producers. Information was gathered from focus groups, survey questionnaires, and anthropometric measurements in the two major producing countries, Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana, and subjected to both quantitative and qualitative analysis to test seven hypotheses about the possible benefits of cooperatives. Results showed that cooperatives did have a positive impact on the income, health, and well-being of producers, and these benefits also spread to the surrounding community.
Peer Effects in Employment: Results from Mexico’s Poor Rural Communities
Empirical evidence has shown that off-farm non-agricultural (OFNA) employment offers a major pathway from rural poverty. However, participation in OFNA employment is heterogeneous across categories of individuals and is poorly understood. We explore the role of spillovers from peers on an individual’s participation in formal and informal OFNA employment using data for rural Mexico. We find that peers’ participation in OFNA employment has a large impact on an individual’s ability to engage in this type of employment, even after controlling for individual attributes and village characteristics. Peer effects are structured by similarities in gender, ethnicity, educational level, and land endowment. While the data do not allow to model endogenous formation of peer groups, by estimating different models, we can confidently reject that the measured peer effects proxy for unobserved individual, village-level, or type effects.
Protection or Obstruction? Women and Precarious Work in India
This paper considers how India’s economic liberalization under the New Economic Policy (NEP) has affected its labour policies designed to protect women in precarious work. Particular attention is paid to the negative influence the NEP has had on women’s empowerment schemes from the 1990s onwards. Although India’s GDP has increased exponentially from 267 billion USD in 1991 to 691 billion USD in 2004, women continue to have significantly higher levels of unemployment, illiteracy, and poverty than men. However, it is not solely the NEP that has limited women’s protection in the workplace but also the entrenched hierarchical power relations within India’s “soft state.”
Political Tensions in Zanzibar: Echoes from the Revolution?
The current period of turmoil (nationalist and ethno-racial tensions and violence) in Zanzibar is similar in many ways to the tumultuous period leading up to the 1964 revolution; however, there are important differences. This paper explores the roots and dynamics of Zanzibari nationalism, ethno-racial identities, and political conflict, examining how ethnicity, class, and regional identities altered during the thirty-year period between political openings—with relations with mainland Tanzania a key factor. Two constants are a regionalized division of interests between the islands of Pemba and Unguja and elite-dominated politics characterized by resistance to open political competition and democratic governance.
South America’s Commodities Boom: Developmental Opportunity or Path Dependent Reversion?
From 2003 through 2008 South America’s terms of trade moved strongly in favour of raw materials, and commodity prices remained very high through early 2010, potentially challenging the Prebisch-Singer hypothesis. Three possible results of the boom are analyzed: (1) a staples- or mineral-led development strategy creating linkages to overcome the enclave effects of agro-mineral export structures; (2) a transition strategy wherein ground rents form the basis for expanding national innovation systems enabling Latin America to move beyond raw material/cheap labour export dependence; (3) a return to the nineteenth-century pattern of resource and export dependence where an agro-mineral rentier/oligopolistic elite dominates production.
The World Food Council: The Rise and Fall of a United Nations Body
At the recommendation of the 1974 World Food Conference, the UN World Food Council (WFC) was established by the UN General Assembly at the ministerial or plenipotentiary level following the worst world food crisis in modern history at the beginning of the 1970s. The WFC was charged with overseeing the follow-up of the conference’s resolutions and coordinating the work of the concerned UN agencies relating to food production, nutrition, food security, food trade, and food aid. This is the first summarized and selective account of the work of the WFC until its demise in 1993. The reasons for the fall of this UN body are given as well as proposals for another body to fulfil its roles.
Reviews
Exporting Good Governance: Temptations and Challenges in Canada’s Aid Program, Jennifer Welsh and Ngaire Woods, eds.
UN Ideas that Changed the World, Richard Jolly, Louis Emmerij, and Thomas G. Weiss
World Democratic Federalism: Peace and Justice Indivisible, Myron J. Frankman